In the UK, the first notable wave of Chinese immigrants arrived as seamen, who settled and established communities in port cities such as London, Liverpool and Cardiff (Bailey, Bowes and Sim 1994; Benton and Gomez 2008). It was not until after the Second World War that Scotland saw an increase in Chinese immigration. They mostly came from the New Territories, consisting of farmers and fishermen, and others in the restaurant trade (Bailey, Bowes and Sim 1994; Verma, 1999). For many settlers, the catering industry became a key occupation. Some communities dispersed to avoid business competition.

Within these dispersed families, strong family ties – including sibling relationships – remained crucial. The sibling bond is one of the longest-lasting and often the most intimate relationships we experience throughout our lives. Our siblings are often our first companions, role models – and rivals. From childhood through adulthood, siblings can share a unique closeness shaped by shared experiences, family dynamics, and cultural upbringing. It thus has the power to shape our identity and sense of belonging. In my research I have explored how, in the context of the Chinese diaspora in Scotland, the role of siblings extends beyond childhood companionship.

I have always been fascinated by the lived experiences of individuals – how we can go through the same situations with others yet perceive and navigate them in completely different ways. This curiosity led me to investigate the experiences of Scottish-born Chinese individuals with a particular focus on how sibling relationships shape their lives and identities. As a Scottish-born Chinese individual who has grown up within a takeaway environment, with two much older brothers, I was especially interested to learn how others navigated their upbringing, and the role their siblings played in their personal development. I wanted to explore how others from the same background handled their circumstances, and how their relationship with their siblings helped them to navigate the intersection of their Scottish and Chinese identities. Thus, this research has allowed me to not only delve into the complexities of cultural identity but also reflect on my own experiences in a broader context.

The study recruited five participants to in-depth qualitative research. Of these, two were born and raised in major cities, while the other three were from small towns, with one of them having since relocated to a major city. Four of the participants were the youngest of their families, and one was the eldest. The family structures varied: Taylor, the eldest, had a younger brother, Betty had two older brothers, Clara had two older sisters, Sophia had both an older brother and older sister, and the final participant, Olivia, had an older sister and older twin brothers. All participants were female. Semi-structured interviews were identified as the most appropriate method for data collection as its flexibility allowed participants to freely articulate their experiences in a more natural conversational manner. The interviews were conducted via Microsoft Teams, as it offers a variety of accessibility features, including real-time captions that greatly enhance communication and ensure clarity throughout the conversation. In addition, the need to travel was eliminated which saved time and resources while making it more convenient for myself and the participants. 

The data analysis was guided by a contemporary take on grounded theory developed by Charmaz (2014) and consists of two phases: the initial coding phase and the focused coding phase. The analysis identified four key findings. First, I found that the presence of a family takeaway business significantly shaped the childhood of all five participants, influencing their responsibilities and their connection to their Chinese identity. Even Betty, whose family did not own a takeaway, was impacted as her parents were often busy helping others, leaving her in the care of her older brothers. Similarly, other participants talked about the work of elder siblings, and of watching them alternate between takeaway duties and caregiving.   

Sibling relationships were also found to offer companionship and a link to cultural heritage. For example, Taylor and her younger brother bonded over a shared interest in Chinese history. Betty’s relationship with her elder brother was described as being more guardian-like, as he watched over her. Gender and age gaps influenced these dynamics, with Clara and her sister Mary forming a closer bond than Betty and her older brother. This connects to findings from Her et al. (2021) which shows that sister-sister relationships can foster stronger emotional connections.

Cantonese fluency (or lack thereof) was a significant factor in shaping participants’ sense of identity. Those fluent in Cantonese felt more connected to their heritage, while those who were not experienced a sense of disconnection and regret for having not learned the language. Interestingly siblings did not necessarily experience this in the same way, despite growing up together. Clara, for instance, could understand Cantonese but not speak the language. This mean that she often struggled while communicating with her parents. Her older sister, Cassandra, however, was fluent despite embracing a more Western lifestyle. This illustrates the complex relationship between language, culture, and sibling influence.  

Finally, navigating dual identities brought emotional challenges. Betty, though born in Scotland and speaking with a Scottish accent, felt excluded from Scottish society due to her appearance. This led her to make the decision to not learn Cantonese, but it ultimately deepened her sense of not fully belonging to either culture. This sentiment was shared by Clara, who regretted not learning Cantonese and longed for a stronger connection. These findings echo broader themes of identity struggles among second-generation immigrants, where language and sibling relationships are central to shaping the self.

As with any research, the study is not without limitations. It proved challenging to recruit men to the sample, and as a consequence the sample is imbalanced. It would also have been beneficial to have participants with both elder and younger siblings. Additionally, while semi-structured interviews provided the rich, nuanced insights that I was seeking, it would have been illuminating to engage in methods that enabled discussion, such as focus groups.

Reflecting on this research, I hope that it lays the groundwork for further exploration into the lived experiences of Scottish-born Chinese individuals. As both a researcher and a member of this community, my aim for this work is to resonate with others and spark greater interest in exploring ethnic and national identity. This project has been personally enriching, offering insights into the lives of others while prompting me to reflect on my own identity and heritage. It has deepened my understanding of what it means to be Scottish-Chinese, and I am grateful for the opportunity to contribute to this growing body of research.